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| Dk Shiva Kumar |
On 1 October 2026, Karnataka Chief Minister D K Shivakumar did something unusual. Instead of attending his scheduled cabinet meeting that afternoon, he sat down on the steps outside the State Chief Electoral Officer's office, flanked by several ministers and Congress leaders.
His demand was simple: a criminal investigation into the mass misuse of Form 7, and he would not leave until that investigation was ordered.
"As the Chief Minister of this state, it is my duty to protect the voting rights of every citizen and every voter," Shivakumar said at the spot.
This was not an isolated protest. Over the past week, the Congress has staged demonstrations against the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) across multiple districts in Karnataka. But the Chief Minister sitting in protest himself signals that the stakes have been raised dramatically.
What Exactly Is Form 7?
Form 7 is an objection form in India's electoral system. Any voter who believes a name should not appear on the electoral roll can file this form, asking election officials to remove it.
Under normal circumstances, this is a checks-and-balances mechanism. If someone has moved away, passed away, or is registered in multiple places, other voters can raise an objection through Form 7, and election officials verify the claim before removal.
The crucial point: Form 7 does not automatically delete anyone. Every flagged voter is supposed to receive a notice, get an opportunity to submit documents proving they still qualify, and only then does the Electoral Registration Officer (ERO) make a final decision.
The problem lies in those four words: "under normal circumstances.
Form 7 is an objection form in India's electoral system. Any voter who believes a name should not appear on the electoral roll can file this form, asking election officials to remove it.
Under normal circumstances, this is a checks-and-balances mechanism. If someone has moved away, passed away, or is registered in multiple places, other voters can raise an objection through Form 7, and election officials verify the claim before removal.
The crucial point: Form 7 does not automatically delete anyone. Every flagged voter is supposed to receive a notice, get an opportunity to submit documents proving they still qualify, and only then does the Electoral Registration Officer (ERO) make a final decision.
The problem lies in those four words: "under normal circumstances.
The Core Allegations: Pre-Filled Forms, Bulk Submissions, Targeted Deletions
The allegations raised by Shivakumar and the state government point to a well-organised operation.
First, the forms were pre-filled. The Form 7 applications that were submitted already had the names, addresses, and EPIC numbers of the voters marked for deletion printed on them. The person filing the objection only needed to write their own name by hand. This raises a sharp question: where did this voter data come from?
"Who printed these forms? Where were they printed?" Shivakumar asked at a press conference.
Second, the submissions were abnormally concentrated. The state government flagged data from multiple constituencies: around 6,259 applications in Mudigere, about 3,000 in Belagavi North, roughly 2,285 in Bhalki, and about 1,373 in Babaleshwar. In Vijayapura city, over 13,000 Form 7 applications were reportedly submitted within two days, most of them targeting Muslim voters.
Third, the targeting had a clear pattern. Shivakumar repeatedly emphasised that minority, Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST), and Other Backward Class (OBC) voters were being targeted. A report by civil society organisations also noted that deletions were concentrated in constituencies and backward areas with large SC, ST, and Muslim populations.
Fourth, some people withdrew their applications and admitted mistakes. In Belagavi and Vijayapura, BJP workers reportedly withdrew Form 7 applications and admitted in writing that they had "made a mistake." In Mudigere, Congress MLA Nayana Motamma alleged that BJP Booth Level Agents (BLAs) submitted bulk applications targeting Muslim voters, and later withdrew them "fearing the legal consequences of filing false declarations.
The allegations raised by Shivakumar and the state government point to a well-organised operation.
First, the forms were pre-filled. The Form 7 applications that were submitted already had the names, addresses, and EPIC numbers of the voters marked for deletion printed on them. The person filing the objection only needed to write their own name by hand. This raises a sharp question: where did this voter data come from?
"Who printed these forms? Where were they printed?" Shivakumar asked at a press conference.
Second, the submissions were abnormally concentrated. The state government flagged data from multiple constituencies: around 6,259 applications in Mudigere, about 3,000 in Belagavi North, roughly 2,285 in Bhalki, and about 1,373 in Babaleshwar. In Vijayapura city, over 13,000 Form 7 applications were reportedly submitted within two days, most of them targeting Muslim voters.
Third, the targeting had a clear pattern. Shivakumar repeatedly emphasised that minority, Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST), and Other Backward Class (OBC) voters were being targeted. A report by civil society organisations also noted that deletions were concentrated in constituencies and backward areas with large SC, ST, and Muslim populations.
Fourth, some people withdrew their applications and admitted mistakes. In Belagavi and Vijayapura, BJP workers reportedly withdrew Form 7 applications and admitted in writing that they had "made a mistake." In Mudigere, Congress MLA Nayana Motamma alleged that BJP Booth Level Agents (BLAs) submitted bulk applications targeting Muslim voters, and later withdrew them "fearing the legal consequences of filing false declarations.
The Bigger Picture: How Many Voters Has SIR Already Removed?
The Form 7 controversy is unfolding against a much larger backdrop: the Special Intensive Revision already underway in Karnataka has drastically shrunk the electoral roll.
According to reports by civil society organisations, Karnataka's voter count dropped from approximately 55.24 million in 2025 to about 44.45 million in the draft roll — a reduction of roughly 19.5%. Of these, around 6.54 million were classified as "shifted," 1.64 million as "dead," and 1.52 million as "absent."
In Bengaluru alone, the voter count plummeted from 11.11 million to 4.85 million — a drop of 43.6% — a staggering figure for a city that continues to experience population growth and migration.
Field verification by civil society groups found that some voters still living at their registered addresses were wrongly marked as "shifted" or "dead." A survey based on 100 polling stations found that some eligible voters never received enumeration forms, and some only discovered their names had been deleted when they checked the draft roll.
The Form 7 controversy is unfolding against a much larger backdrop: the Special Intensive Revision already underway in Karnataka has drastically shrunk the electoral roll.
According to reports by civil society organisations, Karnataka's voter count dropped from approximately 55.24 million in 2025 to about 44.45 million in the draft roll — a reduction of roughly 19.5%. Of these, around 6.54 million were classified as "shifted," 1.64 million as "dead," and 1.52 million as "absent."
In Bengaluru alone, the voter count plummeted from 11.11 million to 4.85 million — a drop of 43.6% — a staggering figure for a city that continues to experience population growth and migration.
Field verification by civil society groups found that some voters still living at their registered addresses were wrongly marked as "shifted" or "dead." A survey based on 100 polling stations found that some eligible voters never received enumeration forms, and some only discovered their names had been deleted when they checked the draft roll.
Could Eligible Voters Actually Be Wrongly Deleted?
This is the most critical question. On paper, Form 7 cannot automatically delete anyone.
Election Commission rules are clear: after receiving a Form 7, the Booth Level Officer (BLO) must verify whether the flagged voter still resides at the address, and the Electoral Registration Officer must give the voter a hearing before making any deletion decision. A voter can file a maximum of five objections during the entire SIR process, and a BLA can file a maximum of 30.
But there is a gap between what the rules say and how they are implemented on the ground.
When thousands of pre-filled forms flood in within days, can Booth Level Officers — many of whom are schoolteachers and Anganwadi workers — verify each one individually? Civil society surveys found that 23% of BLOs had received no training at all, and over 80% said they could not cope with the workload. Under such pressure, the risk of wrongful deletion is very real.
More worrying still: once a name is removed from the draft roll, the voter must proactively file Form 6 to get it restored. For poor communities with limited information access, migrant labourers, and elderly voters, that threshold can be impossibly high to cross.
This is the most critical question. On paper, Form 7 cannot automatically delete anyone.
Election Commission rules are clear: after receiving a Form 7, the Booth Level Officer (BLO) must verify whether the flagged voter still resides at the address, and the Electoral Registration Officer must give the voter a hearing before making any deletion decision. A voter can file a maximum of five objections during the entire SIR process, and a BLA can file a maximum of 30.
But there is a gap between what the rules say and how they are implemented on the ground.
When thousands of pre-filled forms flood in within days, can Booth Level Officers — many of whom are schoolteachers and Anganwadi workers — verify each one individually? Civil society surveys found that 23% of BLOs had received no training at all, and over 80% said they could not cope with the workload. Under such pressure, the risk of wrongful deletion is very real.
More worrying still: once a name is removed from the draft roll, the voter must proactively file Form 6 to get it restored. For poor communities with limited information access, migrant labourers, and elderly voters, that threshold can be impossibly high to cross.
Where the Parties Stand: This Is Not a Simple Debate
BJP state president B Y Vijayendra's response was blunt: the BJP has the right to flag suspicious voters. He claimed Muslim voters were "gathered at mosques and wedding halls" to enrol in bulk, and alleged the presence of illegal Bangladeshi migrants in certain constituencies.
The Congress, on the other hand, has framed this as a "criminal conspiracy." At the sit-in, Shivakumar said: "This is a criminal conspiracy to rob people of their voting rights, targeting minorities, Scheduled Castes, tribes, Other Backward Classes, and slum dwellers."
The Election Commission has not yet issued a public response to the specific Form 7 misuse allegations, but it has adjusted SIR procedures: physical hearings for "unmapped" and "logical discrepancy" voters have been paused, and BLOs are now required to collect documents door-to-door and upload them to the ECINET system.
BJP state president B Y Vijayendra's response was blunt: the BJP has the right to flag suspicious voters. He claimed Muslim voters were "gathered at mosques and wedding halls" to enrol in bulk, and alleged the presence of illegal Bangladeshi migrants in certain constituencies.
The Congress, on the other hand, has framed this as a "criminal conspiracy." At the sit-in, Shivakumar said: "This is a criminal conspiracy to rob people of their voting rights, targeting minorities, Scheduled Castes, tribes, Other Backward Classes, and slum dwellers."
The Election Commission has not yet issued a public response to the specific Form 7 misuse allegations, but it has adjusted SIR procedures: physical hearings for "unmapped" and "logical discrepancy" voters have been paused, and BLOs are now required to collect documents door-to-door and upload them to the ECINET system.
What Happens Next?
As of 1 October, police have registered at least three FIRs in Belagavi and Bhalki, with more expected. Shivakumar has made it clear he will not interfere with police investigations, but that the Election Commission "has a responsibility to register FIRs in all constituencies where bulk Form 7 applications were received."
For ordinary voters, the most practical question is this: if your name is on the draft roll, but you fear it may have been flagged for deletion, what should you do?
The answer is straightforward: contact your Booth Level Officer to confirm your registration status. If you received an SIR notice, follow the instructions on it and submit your documents. If you find your name has been wrongly deleted, file Form 6 immediately to apply for restoration.
The revision of electoral rolls is supposed to be a technical process. But when a Chief Minister sits in protest outside the Election Commission, police register FIRs, and civil society groups publish field investigation reports, it has become a political battle over the very nature of voting rights.
And in that battle, the most vulnerable are often those who know least about their own rights.
As of 1 October, police have registered at least three FIRs in Belagavi and Bhalki, with more expected. Shivakumar has made it clear he will not interfere with police investigations, but that the Election Commission "has a responsibility to register FIRs in all constituencies where bulk Form 7 applications were received."
For ordinary voters, the most practical question is this: if your name is on the draft roll, but you fear it may have been flagged for deletion, what should you do?
The answer is straightforward: contact your Booth Level Officer to confirm your registration status. If you received an SIR notice, follow the instructions on it and submit your documents. If you find your name has been wrongly deleted, file Form 6 immediately to apply for restoration.
The revision of electoral rolls is supposed to be a technical process. But when a Chief Minister sits in protest outside the Election Commission, police register FIRs, and civil society groups publish field investigation reports, it has become a political battle over the very nature of voting rights.
And in that battle, the most vulnerable are often those who know least about their own rights.
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