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Meta Description: Middle East analysis, September 2026: Netanyahu secretly meets MBZ in Abu Dhabi, Saudi Grand Mufti issues fatwa against Houthis, and Lebanon commemorates Sayed Hassan Nasrallah's second death anniversary. Is US hegemony in decline?
The final week of September 2026 has quietly redrawn the map of Middle Eastern power politics. From a covert flight into Abu Dhabi, to a religious edict issued from Riyadh, to a mass gathering in Beirut's southern suburbs — three seemingly separate stories are converging to tell a much bigger tale about a region preparing for a world in which America's word no longer settles everything.The Secret Flight: Netanyahu's Four Hours in Abu Dhabi
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reportedly made an unannounced visit to Abu Dhabi on 27 September, meeting UAE President Mohammed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan, commonly known as MBZ. According to Israeli Channel 12, citing two unnamed sources in Tel Aviv, the Israeli leader's private aircraft touched down in the Emirati capital at around 3:10pm local time and departed roughly four hours later, at 7:10pm.
The timing could hardly be more delicate. Israel is less than a month away from parliamentary elections, and Netanyahu had only just returned from the UN General Assembly in New York. What makes the trip even more explosive is that it followed a Haaretz report alleging that MBZ had warned Netanyahu, ten days before the 7 October 2023 attacks, that Hamas was planning a major operation. Netanyahu's office has flatly denied receiving any such warning and has threatened legal action against the newspaper.
According to The New Arab, Netanyahu used the meeting to ask MBZ to publicly deny the "pre-7 October phone call" claims and to seek what was described as "moral support." The UAE has stayed conspicuously silent on the visit itself, though a source quoted by The National in Abu Dhabi insisted the Emirates discusses security matters "through the relevant institutions" rather than at leader-to-leader level.To make sense of this, the takeaway is simple: Israel and the Gulf states are now talking directly, quietly, and at the very highest level — regardless of what either side says in public.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reportedly made an unannounced visit to Abu Dhabi on 27 September, meeting UAE President Mohammed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan, commonly known as MBZ. According to Israeli Channel 12, citing two unnamed sources in Tel Aviv, the Israeli leader's private aircraft touched down in the Emirati capital at around 3:10pm local time and departed roughly four hours later, at 7:10pm.
The timing could hardly be more delicate. Israel is less than a month away from parliamentary elections, and Netanyahu had only just returned from the UN General Assembly in New York. What makes the trip even more explosive is that it followed a Haaretz report alleging that MBZ had warned Netanyahu, ten days before the 7 October 2023 attacks, that Hamas was planning a major operation. Netanyahu's office has flatly denied receiving any such warning and has threatened legal action against the newspaper.
According to The New Arab, Netanyahu used the meeting to ask MBZ to publicly deny the "pre-7 October phone call" claims and to seek what was described as "moral support." The UAE has stayed conspicuously silent on the visit itself, though a source quoted by The National in Abu Dhabi insisted the Emirates discusses security matters "through the relevant institutions" rather than at leader-to-leader level.To make sense of this, the takeaway is simple: Israel and the Gulf states are now talking directly, quietly, and at the very highest level — regardless of what either side says in public.
Riyadh's Religious Gambit: The Fatwa Against the Houthis
At almost the same moment, Saudi Arabia's highest religious authority, Grand Mufti Sheikh Saleh Al-Fawzan, issued a sharply worded fatwa against Yemen's Ansarallah movement, better known in the West as the Houthis. The edict describes the group as a "gang of evil, corrupt in both doctrine and methodology," and calls on Saudi soldiers and allied forces stationed along the border to "stand as one rank" against it.
Citing verses from the Quran and prophetic traditions, the fatwa frames the defence of Saudi borders as "the greatest of obligations and the highest form of piety," adding that sacrificing "life and soul" in that cause is a path to God's pleasure. Al-Fawzan stressed that Saudi Arabia "carries the Muslims' holiest sites," giving the protection of "every inch" of its territory special religious weight.
Analysts say the significance of this goes well beyond routine religious rhetoric. Writing in the independent Arab press, commentators suggest the fatwa marks a shift in Saudi policy from a purely political posture towards full-blown religious mobilisation — potentially laying the legal and spiritual groundwork for a much larger military campaign.
In plain terms: when Riyadh's top cleric tells soldiers that dying on the Yemen border is a path to paradise, that is not a routine sermon. It is a signal.
At almost the same moment, Saudi Arabia's highest religious authority, Grand Mufti Sheikh Saleh Al-Fawzan, issued a sharply worded fatwa against Yemen's Ansarallah movement, better known in the West as the Houthis. The edict describes the group as a "gang of evil, corrupt in both doctrine and methodology," and calls on Saudi soldiers and allied forces stationed along the border to "stand as one rank" against it.
Citing verses from the Quran and prophetic traditions, the fatwa frames the defence of Saudi borders as "the greatest of obligations and the highest form of piety," adding that sacrificing "life and soul" in that cause is a path to God's pleasure. Al-Fawzan stressed that Saudi Arabia "carries the Muslims' holiest sites," giving the protection of "every inch" of its territory special religious weight.
Analysts say the significance of this goes well beyond routine religious rhetoric. Writing in the independent Arab press, commentators suggest the fatwa marks a shift in Saudi policy from a purely political posture towards full-blown religious mobilisation — potentially laying the legal and spiritual groundwork for a much larger military campaign.
In plain terms: when Riyadh's top cleric tells soldiers that dying on the Yemen border is a path to paradise, that is not a routine sermon. It is a signal.
Beirut Remembers: Two Years Without Nasrallah
On 27 September, Hezbollah held a memorial in Beirut's southern suburb of Dahieh to mark the second anniversary of the deaths of Sayed Hassan Nasrallah and Hashem Saifuddin, the group's former secretary-generals. Thousands of supporters gathered beside Nasrallah's grave, many waving Hezbollah, Lebanese, and Iranian flags.
Hezbollah's current secretary-general, Sheikh Naim Qassem, said in a televised address that Israel "failed to achieve its goals of destroying the resistance, ending its existence, entrenching occupation, and establishing settlements in Lebanon." He vowed the group would continue along the path laid down by Nasrallah and Saifuddin.
Nasrallah was killed on 27 September 2024 in an Israeli airstrike on Beirut's southern suburbs. His designated successor, Saifuddin, was killed days later in a separate strike. Despite two devastating wars in 2024 and 2026, the sheer scale of the memorial turnout suggests Hezbollah retains deep roots within Lebanon's Shia community — even if its military capacity has been severely degraded.
For observers in London and across Europe, the message is that Hezbollah is far from finished as a political and social force, whatever damage it has sustained on the battlefield.
On 27 September, Hezbollah held a memorial in Beirut's southern suburb of Dahieh to mark the second anniversary of the deaths of Sayed Hassan Nasrallah and Hashem Saifuddin, the group's former secretary-generals. Thousands of supporters gathered beside Nasrallah's grave, many waving Hezbollah, Lebanese, and Iranian flags.
Hezbollah's current secretary-general, Sheikh Naim Qassem, said in a televised address that Israel "failed to achieve its goals of destroying the resistance, ending its existence, entrenching occupation, and establishing settlements in Lebanon." He vowed the group would continue along the path laid down by Nasrallah and Saifuddin.
Nasrallah was killed on 27 September 2024 in an Israeli airstrike on Beirut's southern suburbs. His designated successor, Saifuddin, was killed days later in a separate strike. Despite two devastating wars in 2024 and 2026, the sheer scale of the memorial turnout suggests Hezbollah retains deep roots within Lebanon's Shia community — even if its military capacity has been severely degraded.
For observers in London and across Europe, the message is that Hezbollah is far from finished as a political and social force, whatever damage it has sustained on the battlefield.
The Bigger Picture: Dusk of American Hegemony?
Looked at together, these three stories point to something bigger. Iran's Defence Ministry spokesman, Brigadier General Talaei-Nik, claimed earlier this year that coordination between Iran and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps had "led to the collapse of American hegemony." US analyst Sara Flounders has similarly argued that Iran's resilience in resisting US and Israeli pressure "is shaping a new order unlike any before."
The logic runs like this: when Washington cannot force Tehran to its knees through military and economic pressure, when Riyadh must resort to religious edicts to mobilise border defences, and when an Israeli prime minister needs to fly secretly to a Gulf state for political backing — the old US-led security architecture is clearly losing its grip.
That said, declaring "the end of American hegemony" outright would be premature. What can be said with confidence is that the Middle East's major players are hedging for a post-American era. Israel is seeking direct coordination with Gulf states ahead of its elections. Saudi Arabia is using religious language to prepare its public for a long confrontation. And Iran, alongside its allies, is demonstrating that it can absorb pressure and keep functioning.
Looked at together, these three stories point to something bigger. Iran's Defence Ministry spokesman, Brigadier General Talaei-Nik, claimed earlier this year that coordination between Iran and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps had "led to the collapse of American hegemony." US analyst Sara Flounders has similarly argued that Iran's resilience in resisting US and Israeli pressure "is shaping a new order unlike any before."
The logic runs like this: when Washington cannot force Tehran to its knees through military and economic pressure, when Riyadh must resort to religious edicts to mobilise border defences, and when an Israeli prime minister needs to fly secretly to a Gulf state for political backing — the old US-led security architecture is clearly losing its grip.
That said, declaring "the end of American hegemony" outright would be premature. What can be said with confidence is that the Middle East's major players are hedging for a post-American era. Israel is seeking direct coordination with Gulf states ahead of its elections. Saudi Arabia is using religious language to prepare its public for a long confrontation. And Iran, alongside its allies, is demonstrating that it can absorb pressure and keep functioning.
What to Watch Next
Three things bear watching over the coming weeks. First, whether the UAE publicly confirms or denies Netanyahu's visit — a confirmation would be a diplomatic earthquake. Second, whether the Saudi fatwa is followed by concrete military escalation along the Yemen border. And third, whether Hezbollah's memorial momentum translates into renewed recruitment or political assertiveness inside Lebanon.
One thing is certain: the Middle East is no longer waiting for Washington to set the agenda. The region is writing its own script — and the rest of the world had better start reading it closely.
Sources: Israeli Channel 12, Reuters, The Times of Israel, Haaretz, Al Mayadeen TV, The New Arab, The National (Abu Dhabi), Saudi Press Agency, Yemen Monitor, Pars Today, Hezbollah official statements, Al Jazeera, Middle East Eye.
Three things bear watching over the coming weeks. First, whether the UAE publicly confirms or denies Netanyahu's visit — a confirmation would be a diplomatic earthquake. Second, whether the Saudi fatwa is followed by concrete military escalation along the Yemen border. And third, whether Hezbollah's memorial momentum translates into renewed recruitment or political assertiveness inside Lebanon.
One thing is certain: the Middle East is no longer waiting for Washington to set the agenda. The region is writing its own script — and the rest of the world had better start reading it closely.
Sources: Israeli Channel 12, Reuters, The Times of Israel, Haaretz, Al Mayadeen TV, The New Arab, The National (Abu Dhabi), Saudi Press Agency, Yemen Monitor, Pars Today, Hezbollah official statements, Al Jazeera, Middle East Eye.
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