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Introduction: The Man at the Centre of a Storm
In February 2025, Gyanesh Kumar took charge as India's 26th Chief Election Commissioner. A quiet, low-profile bureaucrat with a formidable résumé — IIT Kanpur engineer, Harvard-trained economist, 1988-batch Kerala cadre IAS officer — his elevation seemed almost inevitable. Less than two years later, he finds himself at the centre of the most serious internal dispute the Election Commission of India has faced in recent memory.
The controversy is not merely about one man. It raises uncomfortable questions about how India's electoral machinery functions, who really controls it, and whether the constitutional promise of free and fair elections can survive the pressures of modern political life.
From Kerala Bureaucracy to the Heart of Delhi
Gyanesh Kumar's administrative career spanned both state and central governments, and his trajectory reveals a steady rise through increasingly sensitive portfolios. Born in Agra in 1964, he studied civil engineering at IIT Kanpur before joining the IAS in 1988. His early career in Kerala included stints as District Collector of Ernakulam and Municipal Commissioner of Cochin Corporation.
At the Centre, Kumar served as Joint Secretary in the Ministry of Defence, then moved to the Ministry of Home Affairs as Joint Secretary and later Additional Secretary. It was during this period — under Home Minister Amit Shah — that he became involved in two of the most consequential decisions of the Modi government: drafting the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill that abrogated Article 370, and helping constitute the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust.
He later served as Secretary of the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs and then as the first Secretary of the newly created Ministry of Cooperation — again under Amit Shah. He retired from government service in January 2024, only to be appointed Election Commissioner two months later.
Gyanesh Kumar's administrative career spanned both state and central governments, and his trajectory reveals a steady rise through increasingly sensitive portfolios. Born in Agra in 1964, he studied civil engineering at IIT Kanpur before joining the IAS in 1988. His early career in Kerala included stints as District Collector of Ernakulam and Municipal Commissioner of Cochin Corporation.
At the Centre, Kumar served as Joint Secretary in the Ministry of Defence, then moved to the Ministry of Home Affairs as Joint Secretary and later Additional Secretary. It was during this period — under Home Minister Amit Shah — that he became involved in two of the most consequential decisions of the Modi government: drafting the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill that abrogated Article 370, and helping constitute the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust.
He later served as Secretary of the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs and then as the first Secretary of the newly created Ministry of Cooperation — again under Amit Shah. He retired from government service in January 2024, only to be appointed Election Commissioner two months later.
The 2023 Appointment Law: A Contested Framework
Kumar's appointment as CEC was the first made under the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023. This law fundamentally changed how election commissioners are selected.
Before 2023, there was no statutory appointment process. A Supreme Court ruling in the Anoop Baranwal case had directed that appointments be made by a committee comprising the Prime Minister, the Leader of Opposition, and the Chief Justice of India. Parliament's 2023 legislation replaced the Chief Justice with a Union Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister.
The practical effect is that the ruling government now holds two of the three votes on the selection committee. Critics argue this undermines the Commission's independence — a concern the Supreme Court itself had sought to address in its earlier ruling. The government maintains the law ensures a transparent, statutory process where none existed before.
Kumar's appointment as CEC was the first made under the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023. This law fundamentally changed how election commissioners are selected.
Before 2023, there was no statutory appointment process. A Supreme Court ruling in the Anoop Baranwal case had directed that appointments be made by a committee comprising the Prime Minister, the Leader of Opposition, and the Chief Justice of India. Parliament's 2023 legislation replaced the Chief Justice with a Union Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister.
The practical effect is that the ruling government now holds two of the three votes on the selection committee. Critics argue this undermines the Commission's independence — a concern the Supreme Court itself had sought to address in its earlier ruling. The government maintains the law ensures a transparent, statutory process where none existed before.
The SIR: Cleaning Rolls or Disenfranchising Voters?
The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls has become the defining controversy of Kumar's tenure. Launched as a pilot in Bihar in June 2025, the exercise was extended to West Bengal and numerous other states, ultimately covering 19 states and Union Territories.
The Election Commission describes SIR as a necessary clean-up: removing deceased voters, duplicate entries, permanently migrated persons, and ineligible names to ensure that "no eligible citizen is left out while no ineligible person is included". The Commission has pointed to specific figures — over 66 lakh deceased electors removed, including 25.47 lakh from Uttar Pradesh and 24.16 lakh from West Bengal.
But the scale of deletions has alarmed observers. In Bihar's draft SIR, approximately 65 lakh names were excluded, with a net reduction of about 47 lakh after claims and objections. Across the second phase covering states like Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Gujarat, the combined voter base fell from over 50.99 crore to 45.81 crore — a decline of 10.2 per cent.
Critics argue the documentation requirements — particularly the need to link current registration to older electoral rolls or provide proof of citizenship — disproportionately affect poorer voters, minorities, and those without historical records. In May 2026, three United Nations special rapporteurs sent a joint communication to the Indian government expressing concern over the removal of millions of names, particularly in West Bengal and among minority communities.
The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls has become the defining controversy of Kumar's tenure. Launched as a pilot in Bihar in June 2025, the exercise was extended to West Bengal and numerous other states, ultimately covering 19 states and Union Territories.
The Election Commission describes SIR as a necessary clean-up: removing deceased voters, duplicate entries, permanently migrated persons, and ineligible names to ensure that "no eligible citizen is left out while no ineligible person is included". The Commission has pointed to specific figures — over 66 lakh deceased electors removed, including 25.47 lakh from Uttar Pradesh and 24.16 lakh from West Bengal.
But the scale of deletions has alarmed observers. In Bihar's draft SIR, approximately 65 lakh names were excluded, with a net reduction of about 47 lakh after claims and objections. Across the second phase covering states like Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Gujarat, the combined voter base fell from over 50.99 crore to 45.81 crore — a decline of 10.2 per cent.
Critics argue the documentation requirements — particularly the need to link current registration to older electoral rolls or provide proof of citizenship — disproportionately affect poorer voters, minorities, and those without historical records. In May 2026, three United Nations special rapporteurs sent a joint communication to the Indian government expressing concern over the removal of millions of names, particularly in West Bengal and among minority communities.
Internal Dissent: 14 Objections in 10 Months
The most damning revelations came from an Indian Express investigation published in September 2026. According to the report, Election Commissioners Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi formally objected at least 14 times over 10 months to decisions they said were taken without their knowledge or consultation.
The objections covered critical areas: the addition and deletion of voter names, changes to Form 6 (used by first-time voters), access to the electoral roll database, and the operation of the Commission's IT systems. Sandhu reportedly stated he learned about a new IT module and portal only through the media after it had already been built. He described one Commission action taken against the written advice of two commissioners as "unauthorised and illegal".
Both commissioners also separately wrote to the Cabinet Secretary, raising concerns about changes in work allocation that removed crucial oversight mechanisms. The Election Commission's official response characterised these as "operational queries or inputs" that are "part of standard administrative practice". The Commission insisted that all SIR-related decisions were ultimately taken unanimously.
The most damning revelations came from an Indian Express investigation published in September 2026. According to the report, Election Commissioners Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi formally objected at least 14 times over 10 months to decisions they said were taken without their knowledge or consultation.
The objections covered critical areas: the addition and deletion of voter names, changes to Form 6 (used by first-time voters), access to the electoral roll database, and the operation of the Commission's IT systems. Sandhu reportedly stated he learned about a new IT module and portal only through the media after it had already been built. He described one Commission action taken against the written advice of two commissioners as "unauthorised and illegal".
Both commissioners also separately wrote to the Cabinet Secretary, raising concerns about changes in work allocation that removed crucial oversight mechanisms. The Election Commission's official response characterised these as "operational queries or inputs" that are "part of standard administrative practice". The Commission insisted that all SIR-related decisions were ultimately taken unanimously.
Why This Matters: Independence and Accountability
The core question raised by these revelations is not whether any single decision was wrong, but whether the Commission's internal processes allow for genuine deliberation. If two of three commissioners cannot see critical changes until after they are implemented, the formal mechanisms of oversight become meaningless.
Article 324 of the Constitution grants the Election Commission "superintendence, direction and control" over elections — powers deliberately insulated from executive interference. But as The Wire noted, in a digitised system, the question of "who has access to what" is itself a consequential decision. If that decision is taken by a small circle, the people formally responsible for oversight can be excluded without any rule technically being broken.
Opposition parties have seized on the revelations. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh said the developments raised "serious questions about the functioning and credibility of the poll panel". CPI(M) MP John Brittas described the Commission as a "one-man autocracy" and called for Kumar's removal. Former Chief Election Commissioner O.P. Rawat called the reported differences "very serious" and described changes to Form 6 as "absolutely wrong and illegal".
The core question raised by these revelations is not whether any single decision was wrong, but whether the Commission's internal processes allow for genuine deliberation. If two of three commissioners cannot see critical changes until after they are implemented, the formal mechanisms of oversight become meaningless.
Article 324 of the Constitution grants the Election Commission "superintendence, direction and control" over elections — powers deliberately insulated from executive interference. But as The Wire noted, in a digitised system, the question of "who has access to what" is itself a consequential decision. If that decision is taken by a small circle, the people formally responsible for oversight can be excluded without any rule technically being broken.
Opposition parties have seized on the revelations. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh said the developments raised "serious questions about the functioning and credibility of the poll panel". CPI(M) MP John Brittas described the Commission as a "one-man autocracy" and called for Kumar's removal. Former Chief Election Commissioner O.P. Rawat called the reported differences "very serious" and described changes to Form 6 as "absolutely wrong and illegal".
A Test of Institutional Resilience
Gyanesh Kumar's career tells a story of steady ascent through India's administrative machinery — from Kerala's districts to the corridors of the Home Ministry, from Article 370 to the Ram temple trust, from bureaucratic retirement to the helm of the Election Commission. His supporters point to his experience, his involvement in complex national projects, and his reputation as a hands-on administrator.
But the controversies of his tenure — the internal dissent, the mass deletions under SIR, the questions about the appointment process — have converged into something larger than any individual. They have become a test of whether India's electoral institutions can withstand the pressures of centralised decision-making and maintain the public trust that is the bedrock of democratic legitimacy.
With the Supreme Court examining aspects of the SIR and the next general election on the horizon, the answers to these questions will shape not just Kumar's legacy, but the credibility of the electoral process itself.
Gyanesh Kumar's career tells a story of steady ascent through India's administrative machinery — from Kerala's districts to the corridors of the Home Ministry, from Article 370 to the Ram temple trust, from bureaucratic retirement to the helm of the Election Commission. His supporters point to his experience, his involvement in complex national projects, and his reputation as a hands-on administrator.
But the controversies of his tenure — the internal dissent, the mass deletions under SIR, the questions about the appointment process — have converged into something larger than any individual. They have become a test of whether India's electoral institutions can withstand the pressures of centralised decision-making and maintain the public trust that is the bedrock of democratic legitimacy.
With the Supreme Court examining aspects of the SIR and the next general election on the horizon, the answers to these questions will shape not just Kumar's legacy, but the credibility of the electoral process itself.
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